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Yayın Polish-Russian relations: history, geography and geopolitics(East European Quarterly, 2008-03) Özbay, Fatih; Aras, Bülent[No abstract available]Yayın Al-Qaida, 'war on terror' and Turkey(Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2007) Aras, Bülent; Toktaş, ŞuleThe new wave of international terrorism gained strength in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, threatening not only the USA and its allies but also, as seen in the latest incidents, a significant part of the world. Continuing al-Qaida attacks signify the vulnerability and weakness of defence, security and intelligence systems in the face of the new international terror. The terror network has created an image of a postmodern virtual state. We argue that it has been shaped by a common ideology rather than in physical terms. Thus it is necessary to develop novel approaches. In this article we discuss Turkey's struggle against the new terror, underlining the fact that it is a Muslim majority state and has lively and dynamic Islamic traditions and different shades of Islamic belief. This situation makes the discussion more interesting, focusing on the position, perception, difficulties and struggle of a Muslim state with a democratic and secular mode of government vis-a-vis an allegedly Islam-inspired international terror network. There is an urgent need to develop an international terror strategy to counter terror attacks against Turkey, Britain, Egypt and others. We underscore the vital requirement of reconciling the macro-schemes and priorities of the global 'war on terror' with the national conditions and needs of the other countries involved in the struggle against the terror network.Yayın Turkey and the Middle East: frontiers of the new geographic imagination(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis LTD, 2007-12) Aras, Bülent; Karakaya Polat, Rabia[No abstract available]Yayın Afghanistan's security: Political process, state-building and narcotics(Wiley-Blackwell, 2008-06) Aras, Bülent; Toktaş, ŞuleEstablishing political authority and constructing a state instrument would increase trust, which would contribute to stability.1 The lack of political institutions necessary for stability encourages the interference of individuals and groups with "special" interests, at both the state and societal levels.2 Stability is not only a prerequisite for the development of the political process and security within the country; it is also a risk to security, as it would require the involvement of groups and factors in the political process that might hinder security itself. [...] in a setting where fierce security measures are needed, running security operations without supplying adequate security personnel and munitions is an absolute risk.48 CONCLUSION The long-term objective for Afghanistan is to strengthen the state structurally and to set mechanisms in place that would prevent it from working only for narrow or factional interests.Yayın Türk-İran ilişkileri: değişim ve süreklilik(2006) Aras, BülentTürkiye ve İran’ın ikili ilişkilerinde çözülmesi gereken birtakım önemli problemlerinin olduğu Türk akademisyenler nezdinde ve medyada genel kabul gören bir iddiadır. Bu makalede söz konusu problemlerin neler olduğu ve iki ülke arasındaki problemlerin sebepleri ana hatları ile çizilmekte ve ayrıca bu problemlerin doğası ve ciddiyeti üzerine eleştirel bir analiz sunulmaktadır. Bu makalede konuyu bir dizi soruya cevap vererek ele almaktayım. Türk dış politikasının karar mekanizmasında görev alanlar, düşmanların belirlenmesinde ulusal çıkarları mı baz almakta, yoksa içerideki tehditlere dışarıdan kaynak mı aramaktadır? Türkiye, İran’ı başlıca düşman olarak görmek için yeterli sebep olmaksızın bir mücadelenin içine doğru mu sürüklenmektedir? Türkiye’nin yaşadığı yapısal dönüşüm İran politikasını etkilemiş midir? Türkİran ilişkileri politika yapıcıların bölgesel dost ve düşman algılamalarından ne kadar etkilenmektedir? Bu makalede uzunca bir süre Türkiye’nin İran’a yönelik politikasının iç politik, bölgesel ve uluslararası düzeylerde gerçekleşen siyasi değişikliklerle başa çıkamadığı görüşü ileri sürülmektedir. Türkiye’nin hukuki, siyasal ve ekonomik dönüşüm süreci sonucunda ulaştığı siyasi ve ekonomik istikrarın içeride özgüveni artırdığı, iç düşman marjını daralttığı ve özellikle komşulara yönelik ilişkilerde -İran dahil- yeni ufuklar açtığını öne sürmekteyim.Yayın Europe, Turkey and the Middle East: Is harmonisation possible?(H.W. Wilson - Social Science Abstracts, 2006-09) Aras, Bülent; Bıçakcı, Ahmet SalihThe possibility of Turkey joining the European Union (EU) has generated much debate in both the EU and the Middle East--interest that Turkey has interpreted as a clear signal that it could be a powerful regional player. Indeed, Turkey's new ruling elite is sure that it can hold an active peacemaking role in the Middle East. Together, the EU and Turkey will be much stronger in the Middle East than either could be alone. Without the EU, Turkey would face the disadvantage of dealing with Middle East insecurity and instability by itself; the EU would miss the chance to embrace a democratic, Muslim country that already takes a pro-European stance in Middle East affairs. Therefore, harmonization of Turkish and EU policies is not only possible but, to a certain extent, necessary.Yayın The Davutoglu era in Turkish foreign policy(Seta Foundation, 2009) Aras, BülentAhmet Davutoglu was appointed Turkish foreign minister on May 1, 2009. Chief advisor to the Turkish prime minister since 2002, Davutoglu is known as the intellectual architect of Turkish foreign policy under the AK Party. He articulated a novel foreign policy vision and succeeded, to a considerable extent, in changing the rhetoric and practice of Turkish foreign policy. Turkey's new dynamic and multidimensional foreign policy line is visible on the ground, most notably to date in the country's numerous and signifcant eforts to address chronic problems in neighboring regions. Davutoglu's duty will now shif from the intellectual design of policies to greater actual involvement in foreign policy as he undertakes his new responsibilities as minister of foreign afairs. Te Davutoglu era in Turkish foreign policy will deepen Turkey's involvement in regional politics, international organizations, and world politics.Yayın From conflict to cooperation: Desecuritization of Turkey's relations with Syria and Iran(Sage Publications Ltd, 2008-10) Aras, Bülent; Karakaya Polat, RabiaIn recent years, there has been a notable softening in Turkey's foreign policy toward Syria and Iran. How might we explain the change in Turkey's attitude toward these two countries considering the hostile relations of the 1990s and the worsening security situation in the Middle East? Drawing upon securitization theory, this article argues that domestic problems have influenced Turkey's foreign policy toward Iran and Syria in the past, as foreign policymakers have successfully externalized the sources of political Islam and Kurdish separatism. The remarkable softening of Turkey's foreign policy toward Syria and Iran since the beginning of the present decade can best be explained by looking at changes at the domestic level, particularly in terms of the process of desecuritization currently taking place within Turkey. Among other things, this process of desecuritization is the result of the European Union accession process and concomitant steps toward democratization, a transformation of the political landscape, and the appropriation of EU norms and principles in regional politics. Within this process of desecuritization and democratization, formerly securitized and dramatized issues have begun to be perceived as normal political issues. As a result, the policymaking process is now emancipated from ideational barriers, while there has been a substantial increase in the flexibility of foreign policy attitudes and the ability of foreign policymakers to maneuver in regional policy.Yayın The limits of the Russian-Iranian strategic alliance: its history and geopolitics, and the nuclear issue(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2008-03) Aras, Bülent; Özbay, FatihThe Russian and Iranian governments define their relations as "very close" and "strategic" in many areas. The frontiers of this cooperation, in geopolitical terms, include the south Caucasus, central Asia, Afghanistan, and the oil- and natural gas-rich Caspian basin, while, at the issue level, the cooperation includes the nuclear issue, disarmament, the struggle against terrorism, the Iraqi quagmire, the Palestinian problem, and the U.S. military expansion into Eurasia. The signs of cooperation in these areas are, among others, regular political dialogue and similar attitudes in refusing to include the Lebanese Hizballah oil terrorist lists, pursuing political relations with Hamas, maintaining a pro-Arab position on the Arab-Israeli question, objecting to foreign military engagement in Eurasia, and having a common voice during the Israeli-Lebanese conflict in 2006. However, we need to discover the nature of these relations in order to decide whether the close Russian-Iranian relations can be described as a strategic alliance. What is the strategic depth of Russian-Iranian relations? Do the relations consist merely of the conjectural necessities of the post-Cold War period? What are the "red lines" in RUssian-Iranian relations? This article analyzes the relations between these two Countries from a broader perspective, to examine the meaning of the relations in bilateral, regional and international contexts.Yayın Azerbaijan's Far Eastern orientation and South Korea(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2009-09) Aras, Bülent; Yılmaz, RehaThis paper focuses on Azerbaijan's outreach toward East Asian countries and its relationship with South Korea. Despite their geographical distance from Azerbaijan, countries in the Far East, especially China, Japan, and South Korea, have demonstrated an interest in engagement and explored potential avenues of cooperation. Azerbaijan established support for its political priorities and for its stance on the Karabakh issue as prerequisites and confidence-building measures for potential investors. East Asian states easily fulfilled these two criteria, due to their geographical and ideological distance from the political dynamics of the Caucasus. South Korea showed a genuine concern for Azerbaijan's national interests and problems and played a key role in its economic development. While South Korea was a latecomer, mutual political trust and fruitful economic relations were quickly established. The Azeri administration has entrusted South Korean public and private investors with many significant current and future projects in the oil-and non-oil-related fields. This paper concludes that these projects are indicators of the central role that South Korea will play in Azerbaijan's future.
