16 sonuçlar
Arama Sonuçları
Listeleniyor 1 - 10 / 16
Yayın Perspectives on Turkey’s 2017 presidential referendum(Rubin Center for Research in International Affairs, 2017-03) Celep, ÖdülUntil the 1980s, Turkey’s long-standing parliamentarism had precluded debates about presidentialism. In the following decade, the two right-wing presidents, Ozal and Demirel, briefly promoted presidentialism but failed to initiate a system change. However, the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) 2002 electoral victory ushered in a new period; after over a decade of political dominance, the AKP, under President Erdogan, began pushing for radical and controversial constitutional changes. The April 16, 2017, constitutional referendum, proposed a new “partisan presidential system” with almost no separation of powers and without any checks and balances. The Nationalist Action Party (MHP), with a split and polarized base, initially objected to systemic constitutional changes, but later not only expressed support for them but became the key actor for the referendum. The entire process of the referendum seems to have produced a new cross-cutting cleavage in Turkish politics.Yayın The repeat municipal elections of Istanbul, 2019: a new beginning for Istanbul and democracy in Turkey(Işık University Press, 2020-12-10) Celep, ÖdülThe Istanbul repeat elections held on June 23, 2019 re-solidified the electoral defeat of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in a major election. Earlier, the March 31, 2019 municipal election had already resulted surprisingly with the AKP’s loss of major provinces and metropolitan municipalities, Istanbul and Ankara in particular, to the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) and its party-allies of the Nation Alliance. The CHP’s candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu won even more decisively this time, with more than 54% of Istanbul’s voters. These wins in the municipal and repeat-Istanbul elections provide an opportunity for a new democratic onset in Turkish politics. The CHP-led municipalities of Turkey in general, and the Istanbul municipality by İmamoğlu in particular, have the potential to become the driving force of a new wave of democratization in Turkey. This policy paper aims to lay out clearly some steps to be taken for that direction.Yayın Political perceptions of party voters and members in Turkey(Routledge, 2018) Ecevit, Yüksel Alper; Celep, ÖdülIntroduction The purpose of this chapter is to examine the relationship between the political perceptions of party voters and party members in a highly polarised political context like Turkey’s. This analysis will help us to understand the micro-foundations of polarisation at different layers of political parties. We argue that polarisation is not a monolithic concept that applies equally to all individuals affiliated with one political party. Rather, because it operates differently for members and voters, it is crucial to compare them to determine the ideological differences between parties. © 2018 selection and editorial matter, Sabri Sayari, Pelin Ayan Musil and Özhan Demirkol; individual chapters, the contributors.Yayın The republican people's party and Turkey's EU membership(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2011-09) Celep, ÖdülAs the founder of the Turkish secular state, the Republican People's Party (CHP) has defended the Westernisation of Turkish society, supported Turkey's acceptance to the EU as a full member, and played crucial roles in Turkey-EU relations. Nevertheless, the CHP's language towards the EU started to sound critical during the 2000s. This study argues that the CHP's seeming scepticism towards the EU is not an ideological U-turn, but a conditional situation. The CHP's Euroscepticism is an outcome of its distrust of the Justice and Development Party government's honesty and ability in implementing the required reforms for Turkey's EU membership.Yayın Extreme right-wing parties and democracy : The effects of extreme right-wing parties on the politics of consolidated democracies(Saarbrücken: Lambert Academic Publishing, 2009-06-21) Celep, ÖdülThere is a widespread concern that the rise of the extreme right parties (ERPs) may disrupt democratic policies in consolidated democracies. The major source of this concern is ERPs' advocacy for authoritarian policies and their grievance about democratic institutions. This study investigates the urgency of this concern by focusing on the possible means by which ERPs are able to affect democratic politics. After determining ERPs and their comparative vote shares, this study examines the individual determinants of voting for them with respect to ideological affinity and political dissatisfaction. The evidence casts doubt on influence through actual or potential vote strength. Therefore the study raises the following question: Is the absence of vote support in many countries a consequence of the established parties having preempted or accommodated the ERPs' appeal by embracing their political demands? The empirical results demonstrate that several established parties have indeed moved rightwards in the last thirty years in a total of 19 consolidated democracies. Therefore, the real threat to democracy has come from the established parties rather than ERPs.Yayın Turkey's radical right and the Kurdish issue: The MHP's reaction to the "Democratic Opening"(2010-09) Celep, ÖdülTurkey's current government's 'democratic opening' project has led to a series of political discussions regarding the cause and resolve of the Kurdish issue. One major consequence of this debate has been the polarization of opinion between conservatives, represented by the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) and nationalists, represented by the Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP). This study elaborates on the major reasons for MHP's opposition to AKP on the 'democratic opening.' In doing so, the study examines the historical, ideological distinctions between the two parties and their perception of ethnic and linguistic differences in Turkish society. AKP comes from a political tradition that has been relatively more accommodating towards such differences. On the contrary, MHP has roots in an ethno-nationalist and mono-culturalist ideology, which can be observed in its denial of the identity component of the Kurdish issue.Yayın A contemporary analysis of intra-party democracy in Turkey's political parties(Routledge, 2021-09-03) Celep, ÖdülDespite Turkey's long-standing history of inter-party democracy, its political parties have remained distant from intra-party democracy (IPD). This study investigates the quality and level of Turkey's four big parties' IPD culture with a systematic, quantitative survey data collected from parties' district members in 2015. The data analysis demonstrates that despite its anti-systemic left-radicalism and alleged association with the armed groups, the Kurdish left (HDP) is relatively the most internally democratic party. The centre-left CHP has some edge owing to its limited use of primaries for candidate selection, yet it often comes secondary after the HDP. The two parties of the Turkish-Islamic right, AKP and MHP, are relatively more autocratic, sometimes indistinguishable. Despite the overwhelming effects of the failed coup and the system change with the 2017 referendum, the birth of new splinter parties such as the Good Party (IYI), Future Party and DEVA still points to potential future in-party dynamics that can help improve the IPD culture in Turkey.Yayın Yayın The political causes of party closures in Turkey(Oxford Univ Press, 2014-04) Celep, ÖdülPolitical parties are the integral components of democratic systems. Without political parties, democratic systems cannot function. Yet, not all political parties embrace the existing 'rules of the game'. After the experience with Nazi Germany and fascist Italy during the interwar period, dealing with anti-systemic parties has become a central debate in democratic systems. Even though party closures have taken place in some European democracies, the high frequency of party closures in Turkey raised criticisms that Turkey has become the 'graveyard' of political parties. Since the 1960s, a total of 27 parties were banned in Turkey. The purpose of this article is to provide a comparative analysis of the justifications of party closures in Turkey. In doing so, the article examines two major political causes of party closures on two major party traditions in Turkey: (1) Political Islamists and violation of secularism (separation of religion and politics) and (2) Kurdish left and violation of territorial integrity/national unity.Yayın Can the Kurdish left contribute to Turkey’s democratization?(SETA, 2014-03-01) Celep, ÖdülThe current peace process regarding Turkey’s Kurdish question could pave the way for the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey if the existing opportunities are not missed. The major actors that represent the Kurdish left in Turkey, the PKK and the HDP (formerly BDP), are all equally significant parts of the peace process. The HDP in particular has the potential to turn into a constructive actor for Turkey’s democratization in the near future. This article argues that the Kurdish left of the democratic, parliamentary stage, lately the HDP, could contribute to Turkey’s democratization if it can fulfill the libertarian left policy space in Turkish politics, which has long been abandoned by all existing political parties.
