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Yayın White Turks, Black Turks? Faultlines beyond Islamism versus secularism(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2012-04) Demiralp, SedaAccording to popular views, contemporary Turkish politics is defined by the ideological conflict between Islamist and secularist parties. However, the focus on the Islamism versus secularism dichotomy, a common bias in the studies of Muslim countries, disguises a deeper faultline between the old urban elites and the newly rising provincial actors. This article highlights the need to see beyond the 'Islamism-secularism' divide and to consider the complex relations of power between alienated social groups in Turkey. It analyses the intricate and multilayered forms of 'othering' in the urban secularist discourse, which perpetuates the inequalities and contention in society. Instead of taking the 'Islamism-secularism' divide as given, the article analyses the construction of secularist and Islamic identities and considers how this dichotomous discourse has empowered the urban parties to control the provincial. Finally, implications for the reconciliation of antagonised social groups are presented.Yayın Can money make us friends?: Islamist entrepreneurs and chances for democratization in the muslim world(2010-04-16) Demiralp, SedaIslamist movements have grown persistently in the last few decades and became major actors in the politics of various Muslim nations, receiving attention in numerous popular studies. Many of those studies, however, focus their attention solely on the religious agenda of these actors, despite the fact that economic interests are highly influential in shaping the agendas of them. In contrast to popular studies that focus on the “ideologues” in Islamist parties, this article emphasizes the role of “pragmatists,” especially Islamist businessmen in Islamist politics. By comparing and contrasting the transformation of Islamist parties and institutions in Turkey, Indonesia, and Sudan, this article suggests that contemporary Islamist movements in these countries are not solely concerned with “Islamizing the society” but often seek an economic mobilization against established economic elites and to transfer wealth to their constituencies. It then explores whether Islamist businessmen can serve as a moderating influence in Islamist politics and, if so, under what circumstances.Yayın Paradox of optimism: opposition coordination against autocratic incumbents in Turkey’s 2019 and 2023 elections(Routledge, 2024) Balta, Evren; Demiralp, SedaIn the 2019 local and 2023 general elections, Turkey’s opposition parties joined forces in pursuit of a common objective: to oust autocratic incumbents and democratize the political system. While they achieved noteworthy successes in 2019, replicating these gains in the 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections proved elusive. This study reveals that coordinating opposition efforts becomes more challenging during general elections, particularly when a charismatic presidential candidate, capable of fostering synergy among opposition factions and voters, is absent. Additionally, when opposition parties span the ideological spec-trum, crafting a unified campaign around a shared manifesto becomes more intricate. The resulting atmosphere of uncertainty is exacerbated further in the absence of decisive leadership. Most importantly, the research highlights a paradox: as optimism for electoral victory grows, parties become more inclined to form alliances but less willing to nominate a strong leader, due to con-cerns about power-sharing overshadowing electoral success. This paradox diminishes the chances of opposition victory.Yayın Making winners: Urban transformation and neoliberal populism in Turkey(Middle East Institute, 2018-12) Demiralp, SedaThis study focuses on the distribution of the costs and benefits of Turkey's urban policy. Since 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has embraced an ambitious form of capitalism that privatized the benefits of urban transformation while socializing its costs. The government has also adopted populist strategies that enhanced its political support among upper- and lower-income groups and left urban transformation's costs to fall disproportionally on the middle class.Yayın The odd tango of the islamic right and Kurdish left in Turkey: a peripheral alliance to redesign the centre?(Taylor & Francis, 2012-02-24) Demiralp, Seda[No abstract available]Yayın Defeating populists: the case of 2019 Istanbul elections(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2021-01-02) Demiralp, Seda; Balta, EvrenHow can populist competitive authoritarian regimes be defeated through elections? In this article, we focus on the 2019 municipal campaign strategy of the opposition Istanbul candidate Ekrem Imamoglu as a case study of a successful challenge to a populist competitive authoritarian regime. We argue that such regimes may be prone to defeat when their opponents use what we call an 'inverted populist' strategy. This strategy involves three key elements: adopting an indirect and gradualist approach that avoids direct confrontation with the populist leader and the popular values s/he represents, redefining the 'the people' by including previously excluded groups, and promising redistribution to disadvantaged groups.Yayın The strongman vs. the sage? Populist performances and political masculinities in the 2023 Turkish elections(Routledge, 2026-02) Sayan Cengiz, Feyda; Demiralp, SedaAuthoritarian populist performances are deeply intertwined with particular ways of ‘doing masculinity’. Previous studies have shown that combative, aggressive, ‘rule-breaking’ performances of masculinity enabled populist opposition leaders to enact and perform anti-elite populist discourses, facilitating the mobilisation of discontent. The case of Turkey, a resilient case of authoritarian populism, demonstrates that performances of masculinity also serve incumbent populists to cast themselves as protectors of society, reinvigorate their paternalist claims to legitimacy and amplify the affective dimension of their messages. This dynamic becomes especially prominent during election campaigns, where performances of masculinity become a significant part of the contest between populist incumbents and their opponents. Focusing on Turkey’s 2023 presidential election and the campaigns of the two main contenders–incumbent President Erdoğan and opposition candidate Kılıçdaroğlu–the study argues that authoritarian populist leaders perform combative, aggressive masculinity to project competence even during economic downturns or institutional decay. In doing so, they further masculinise the political sphere, relegating rivals to subordinate positions within a symbolic hierarchy of masculinities and marginalising alternative models of leadership. The study contributes to understanding the gendered performative dimensions that play into the resilience of authoritarian populism.
