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Yayın Local democracy online: An analysis of local government web sites in England and Wales(IGI Global, 2006-07) Pratchett, Lawrence; Wingfield, Melvin; Karakaya Polat, RabiaThis report from the field analyzes the extent to which local authorities in England and Wales have responded to the e-democracy agenda by examining their Web sites and assessing their potential to deliver democracy. The analysis of Web sites provides a powerful insight into how local government is using the Internet to promote democracy. Two aspects of Web site use are particularly significant. First, the analysis reveals the overall commitment to e-democracy in local government, as it is a measure of actual behavior rather than simply an attitudinal survey. Second, it highlights the types of democratic structure being supported and the values being emphasized in the implementation of e-democracy. The research demonstrated that the potential of the Internet for enhancing democracy is not fully exploited by local authorities and there remain considerable variations between different authorities.Yayın Queering conservative democracy(Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2013-12) Birdal, Mehmet SinanThe Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its official political identity of conservative democracy dominated the first decade of the new millennium in Turkey. Conservative democracy rests on a fusion of a particularistic conservative national identity with the universal principles of liberal democracy. The conservative narratives on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgenders (LGBTs) reveal the limits of this synthesis' ability to create a deliberative democracy in Turkey, and underscore the challenges faced in recognition of LGBT demands within the conservative democratic project.Yayın Turkey's radical right and the Kurdish issue: The MHP's reaction to the "Democratic Opening"(2010-09) Celep, ÖdülTurkey's current government's 'democratic opening' project has led to a series of political discussions regarding the cause and resolve of the Kurdish issue. One major consequence of this debate has been the polarization of opinion between conservatives, represented by the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) and nationalists, represented by the Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi, MHP). This study elaborates on the major reasons for MHP's opposition to AKP on the 'democratic opening.' In doing so, the study examines the historical, ideological distinctions between the two parties and their perception of ethnic and linguistic differences in Turkish society. AKP comes from a political tradition that has been relatively more accommodating towards such differences. On the contrary, MHP has roots in an ethno-nationalist and mono-culturalist ideology, which can be observed in its denial of the identity component of the Kurdish issue.Yayın The 2019 municipal elections in Turkey: a democratic earthquake(TPQ, 2019-09-08) Celep, ÖdülThe 2019 municipal election had surprising consequences for both the incumbent and opposition actors in Turkey. The main opposition party won both Ankara and Istanbul for the first time in 25 years and swept the coastal provinces of the West and south. The Republican People’s Party’s (CHP) integrative coalition umbrella of secular-urban nationalists and Kurdish voters had a significant impact in winning in the west. Furthermore, the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) political and electoral survival has come under question for the first time in years. If the CHP-won municipalities can take democratizing steps and perform well in local politics, the balance of power in the existing Turkish party system could radically change in favor of democratizing Turkey in the medium run.Yayın ABD’nin Irak müdahalesinde güvenliğin özelleşmesi: Sözleşmeli personel ve özel askeri ve güvenlik şirketlerinin rolü ve etkileri(Istanbul Univ, 2020-03-30) Çağlar, Mehmet TuranABD’nin 2003 yılında Irak’a müdahalesi ile birlikte özel askeri ve güvenlik şirketleri, ABD’nin en önemli ortaklarından biri olmuş ve hatta sözleşmeli personel, Irak’ta koalisyon güçleri içerisinde ABD’den sonraki en büyük grup haline gelmiştir. 2003 yılı sonrası ABD yönetimleri, Irak Savaşı’nın artan ekonomik, insani ve siyasi maliyetlerini sözleşmeli personel üzerinden dışsallaştırmaya çalışmıştır. 2011 yılı öncesi Irak’ta ABD askerlerinin yanında yer alan sözleşmeli personel, 2011 yılı sonrası ABD askerlerinin yerine görev almaya başlamıştır. ABD yönetimleri, özel şirketler aracılığıyla bazı maliyetleri dışsallaştırabilse de sözleşmeli personelin insan hakları ihlalleri, ABD’nin Irak ve bölgedeki ününe zarar vermiştir. Sözleşmeli personel ayrıca Irak’ta şiddet uygulayan ve şiddete maruz kalan aktörlerin başında gelmiş ve ülke içerisindeki şiddetin yükselmesinde rol oynamıştır. Irak’ta ABD aracılığıyla güvenliğin özelleşmesi ise Irak’taki güvenlik kavramını dönüştürmüştür. Özel askeri ve güvenlik şirketleri ve çalışanlarının hukuki statüleri ve denetimleri, güvenlik kavramının dışlayıcı bir hale gelmesi ve güvenliğin piyasalaşması, Irak gibi kırılgan bir ülkede yeni güvenlik sorunlarına yol açmıştır. Özel askeri ve güvenlik şirketlerinin Irak Savaşı boyunca oynadığı roller ise geleneksel güvenlik anlayışı ve şiddet kullanma tekelinin devriyle ilgili Uluslararası İlişkilerde yeni tartışmalara sebep olmuştur.Yayın Political Islam in Tunisia: The History of Ennahda(Seta Foundation, 2019-12) Evirgen, YusufPolitical Islam in Tunisia offers some helpful explanatory tools as appendixes, such as the al-Nahda Electoral Programme of 2011; the Statute of the al-Nahda Movement, July 2012; the Final Declaration of the Eight Congress of al-Nahda, May 2007; the Final Declaration of the Seventh Congress of al-Nahda, April 3, 2001; an Account of an al-Nahda Campaign Event in the Electoral District of Tunis 1; and Selected Interviews. The author searches for historical ties between alNahda and the Muslim Brotherhood, but this focus causes her to overlook some of the alNahda movement's traditional ties. [...]we know that the Arab Spring affected the alNahda movement's structure in different ways. [...]Political Islam in Tunisia offers a helpful introduction to readers interested in political Islam, Islamism, Tunisia, and the al-Nahda movement.Yayın The Davutoglu era in Turkish foreign policy(Seta Foundation, 2009) Aras, BülentAhmet Davutoglu was appointed Turkish foreign minister on May 1, 2009. Chief advisor to the Turkish prime minister since 2002, Davutoglu is known as the intellectual architect of Turkish foreign policy under the AK Party. He articulated a novel foreign policy vision and succeeded, to a considerable extent, in changing the rhetoric and practice of Turkish foreign policy. Turkey's new dynamic and multidimensional foreign policy line is visible on the ground, most notably to date in the country's numerous and signifcant eforts to address chronic problems in neighboring regions. Davutoglu's duty will now shif from the intellectual design of policies to greater actual involvement in foreign policy as he undertakes his new responsibilities as minister of foreign afairs. Te Davutoglu era in Turkish foreign policy will deepen Turkey's involvement in regional politics, international organizations, and world politics.Yayın When do workers support executive aggrandizement? Lessons from the recent Turkish experience(John Wiley and Sons Inc, 2022-03) Apaydın, Fulya; Öngel, Ferit Serkan; Schmid, Jonas W.; Ülker, ErolFollowing the 2017 constitutional referendum under the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (Justice and Development Party-AKP) rule in Turkey, the reforms granted judicial and legislative powers to the head of the executive under a presidential system. Initial observations reveal that some blue-collar workers who are members of a historically progressive union have also supported these reforms. This is surprising because the union leadership has publicly opposed these changes. What explains this discrepancy? Why did some of these workers support reforms in favour of a powerful executive? Based on a sample from a major metalworking union, this paper finds that partisan identity moderates support for AKP's push for challenging the separation of powers. Although we find that higher amount of debt may reduce worker support for stronger executive, this is conditional on the metal workers' pre-existing partisan commitments. Under these circumstances, highly indebted partisan workers do not diverge from the party line. These results also raise further questions for students of labour and regime change elsewhere in the developing world.Yayın Can the Kurdish left contribute to Turkey’s democratization?(SETA, 2014-03-01) Celep, ÖdülThe current peace process regarding Turkey’s Kurdish question could pave the way for the normalization of politics and democratization in Turkey if the existing opportunities are not missed. The major actors that represent the Kurdish left in Turkey, the PKK and the HDP (formerly BDP), are all equally significant parts of the peace process. The HDP in particular has the potential to turn into a constructive actor for Turkey’s democratization in the near future. This article argues that the Kurdish left of the democratic, parliamentary stage, lately the HDP, could contribute to Turkey’s democratization if it can fulfill the libertarian left policy space in Turkish politics, which has long been abandoned by all existing political parties.Yayın How can Akşener's Iyi Parti contribute to Turkey's Democracy?(Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2018-12-01) Celep, ÖdülSince the founding of Meral Aksener's Iyi Parti (Good Party) in October 2017, expectations for Turkey's newest political bloc have been mounting, particularly that it can reverse Turkey's march towards an empowered presidential system and return to democratic parliamentarism. This article argues that for the Iyi Parti to play a game-changing role and genuinely contribute to Turkey's democracy, it has to accomplish three missions: (1) leave the radical right, MHP heritage entirely behind once and for all, (2) promote intra-party democracy, and (3) embrace a positive and constructive discourse on the Kurdish issue. However, with a profile just like or at least similar to the former center-right parties of the pre-AKP period, the party is most likely doomed to fail.
