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Yayın Turkey's Kurdish opening: Long awaited achievements and failed expectations(Routledge Journals, 2014-01-02) Kayhan Pusane, ÖzlemTurkish state actors have used mainly military means to first suppress the Kurdish rebellions and then to end the PKK violence from 1984 onwards. However, after the AKP came to office in 2002, the government challenged the hardline state policy and initiated a Kurdish opening. This policy has the ultimate goal of disarming the PKK and resolving the Kurdish question. However, the Kurdish opening so far has failed to bring about the desired policy outcomes because the parties to the Kurdish question have been highly divided on the side of both the state and the Kurds in Turkey.Yayın A new way of conducting war: Cyberwar, is that real?(Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg, 2014-12-01) Mehmetçik, HakanThere are numerous discussions on both the reality and impact of cyberwar. Most of the critics are based on the Clausewitzian perspective of war in which its political nature must exist, an act of war has to be characteristically violent and has instrumental purposefulness. Therefore cyberwar is generally regarded as a conduct of action that simply doesn't match with these Clausewitzian criteria of war. However during the last two decades, with the advancement of information technology and widening connecters of the world, many incidents such as Estonian and Georgian cases of cyberattacks, Stuxnet worms, and many other politically motivated cyberattacks, show us that we need to think carefully about the terminology that being used by scholars, experts and policy makers. In this chapter, I aim to discuss about the term cyberwar within a broader theory of war in International Relations studies. In doing so, my aim is to bring together related International Relations Theories and the contemporary cyberwar discussion and discuss the issue within a theoretical perspective.Yayın New directions for women's political development in Turkey: Exploring the implications of the internet for Ka-der(IOS Press, 2014) Karakaya Polat, Rabia; Çağlı Kaynak, ElifUnderrepresentation of women in Turkish politics is well documented. This is evident in the numbers of women in key decision-making positions, including the Parliament. The role of women's NGOs is significant in educating, motivating and mobilizing women to participate in politics. These organizations increasingly use the Internet for mobilization, opinion formation, recruitment, networking, lobbying and fundraising. The paper explores the extent to which and the ways in which Ka-der as a WNGOs is affected by the Internet, both in terms of its structure and operation, including its relationships with members and adherents and in the way Ka-der communicates with external actors, such as similar organizations, potential members, politicians and the media. We argue that different functions of WNGOs are supported asymmetrically by the Internet. While the e-mail group is mostly used for internal purposes, the website and the use of social media serve to enhance links with the outside environment.Yayın The state of property development in Turkey: facts and comparisons(Cambridge University Press, 2016-09-01) Demiralp, Seda; Demiralp, Selva; Gümüş, İnciIn this article, we investigate economic and political developments in Turkey's construction sector over the last decade and consider their implications. We find that during the first term of the government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalklnma Partisi, AKP), thanks to administrative and economic incentives, both private and public construction rose considerably. Despite the construction sector's contribution to growth, there is also evidence of a transfer from the industrial sector toward the construction sector, which led to significant decline in the trend growth of the industrial sector in the era prior to 2006. Such evidence disappears in the post-crisis period, when the growth of private construction slows. However, overcentralization, clientelism, an absence of transparency, and limitations on citizen participation in urban planning remain as problems that need to be addressed through urban reform.Yayın How do local actors interpret, enact and contest policy? An analysis of local government responses to meeting the needs of Syrian refugees in Turkey(Routledge, 2022-05-04) Lowndes, Vivien; Karakaya Polat, RabiaAlthough 98% of Turkey’s 3.6 million Syrian refugees live outside camps, municipalities lack formal authority to initiate policies, while receiving no government funding for refugees. Drawing on interpretive policy analysis (IPA), the article unpacks the empirical puzzle of how formally weak local governments respond to refugee needs. IPA expects policy to be constituted through diverse sets of local meanings. Case studies in three districts in Istanbul revealed distinctive local narratives, some of which consolidated the national agenda of ‘hospitality’ while others focused on equal rights and integration. Municipal narratives reflected particular local contexts, selectively mobilizing deeper governing traditions. Local interpretations were enacted in specific approaches to refugee service delivery. Working with local NGOs, municipalities accessed international funds, despite national government’s vociferous critique of EU refugee policy. Even in an increasingly authoritarian setting, refugee policy was being constituted through multiple and contingent processes of local government interpretation.Yayın White Turks, Black Turks? Faultlines beyond Islamism versus secularism(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2012-04) Demiralp, SedaAccording to popular views, contemporary Turkish politics is defined by the ideological conflict between Islamist and secularist parties. However, the focus on the Islamism versus secularism dichotomy, a common bias in the studies of Muslim countries, disguises a deeper faultline between the old urban elites and the newly rising provincial actors. This article highlights the need to see beyond the 'Islamism-secularism' divide and to consider the complex relations of power between alienated social groups in Turkey. It analyses the intricate and multilayered forms of 'othering' in the urban secularist discourse, which perpetuates the inequalities and contention in society. Instead of taking the 'Islamism-secularism' divide as given, the article analyses the construction of secularist and Islamic identities and considers how this dichotomous discourse has empowered the urban parties to control the provincial. Finally, implications for the reconciliation of antagonised social groups are presented.Yayın Polish-Russian relations: history, geography and geopolitics(East European Quarterly, 2008-03) Özbay, Fatih; Aras, Bülent[No abstract available]Yayın Al-Qaida, 'war on terror' and Turkey(Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2007) Aras, Bülent; Toktaş, ŞuleThe new wave of international terrorism gained strength in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, threatening not only the USA and its allies but also, as seen in the latest incidents, a significant part of the world. Continuing al-Qaida attacks signify the vulnerability and weakness of defence, security and intelligence systems in the face of the new international terror. The terror network has created an image of a postmodern virtual state. We argue that it has been shaped by a common ideology rather than in physical terms. Thus it is necessary to develop novel approaches. In this article we discuss Turkey's struggle against the new terror, underlining the fact that it is a Muslim majority state and has lively and dynamic Islamic traditions and different shades of Islamic belief. This situation makes the discussion more interesting, focusing on the position, perception, difficulties and struggle of a Muslim state with a democratic and secular mode of government vis-a-vis an allegedly Islam-inspired international terror network. There is an urgent need to develop an international terror strategy to counter terror attacks against Turkey, Britain, Egypt and others. We underscore the vital requirement of reconciling the macro-schemes and priorities of the global 'war on terror' with the national conditions and needs of the other countries involved in the struggle against the terror network.Yayın Modernization and gender: a history of girls' technical education in Turkey since 1927(Routledge, 2006-10) Toktaş, Şule; Cindoğlu, DilekThis article is a historical analysis of Girls' Institutes in Turkey. These schools were established in the early Republican era in order to educate girl students to gender roles compatible with modernization and with the westernization project of the Turkish state. The analysis is based upon qualitative data (including interviews and focus groups). The findings point to four trends in the history of Girls' Institutes and in the characteristics and life chances of graduates in the period 1927-70. These were (a) the shift from 'good housewife and mother' training schools to vocational schools; (b) the downgrading of the employment of graduates; (c) a shift from singleness to marriage; and (d) the redefinition of gender roles by women themselves.Yayın Religious solidarity, historical mission and moral superiority: construction of external and internal "others' in AKP's discourses on Syrian refugees in Turkey(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018-10-20) Karakaya Polat, RabiaTurkey hosts the world's largest community of displaced Syrians. According to UNHCR, there are more than 3 million registered Syrians in Turkey as of 2018. Since the beginning of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has followed an open-door policy, which was accompanied by a discourse emphasizing religious solidarity and humanitarian values. However, the arrival of Syrian refugees has become entangled with the existing identity debates and conflicts in Turkish politics. The AKP's discourse on Syrian refugees has become intertwined with its positive self-representation as the defender of all oppressed people (mazlum) and its attempts to reconstruct the Turkish nation along more Islamic lines. The article analyses parliamentary debates and presidential speeches in order to unravel AKP discourses on Syrian refugees. Drawing upon the Discourse Historical Approach in Critical Discourse Analysis, the article puts forward two arguments. First, the refugee issue has become a constitutive component of AKP identity and a discursive tool to reconstruct the nation along more Islamic lines. Second, Turkey's refugee policy has become a source of pride and enabled the AKP to claim moral superiority both vis-a-vis the West and its political opponents at home.
