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Yayın New directions for women's political development in Turkey: Exploring the implications of the internet for Ka-der(IOS Press, 2014) Karakaya Polat, Rabia; Çağlı Kaynak, ElifUnderrepresentation of women in Turkish politics is well documented. This is evident in the numbers of women in key decision-making positions, including the Parliament. The role of women's NGOs is significant in educating, motivating and mobilizing women to participate in politics. These organizations increasingly use the Internet for mobilization, opinion formation, recruitment, networking, lobbying and fundraising. The paper explores the extent to which and the ways in which Ka-der as a WNGOs is affected by the Internet, both in terms of its structure and operation, including its relationships with members and adherents and in the way Ka-der communicates with external actors, such as similar organizations, potential members, politicians and the media. We argue that different functions of WNGOs are supported asymmetrically by the Internet. While the e-mail group is mostly used for internal purposes, the website and the use of social media serve to enhance links with the outside environment.Yayın White Turks, Black Turks? Faultlines beyond Islamism versus secularism(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2012-04) Demiralp, SedaAccording to popular views, contemporary Turkish politics is defined by the ideological conflict between Islamist and secularist parties. However, the focus on the Islamism versus secularism dichotomy, a common bias in the studies of Muslim countries, disguises a deeper faultline between the old urban elites and the newly rising provincial actors. This article highlights the need to see beyond the 'Islamism-secularism' divide and to consider the complex relations of power between alienated social groups in Turkey. It analyses the intricate and multilayered forms of 'othering' in the urban secularist discourse, which perpetuates the inequalities and contention in society. Instead of taking the 'Islamism-secularism' divide as given, the article analyses the construction of secularist and Islamic identities and considers how this dichotomous discourse has empowered the urban parties to control the provincial. Finally, implications for the reconciliation of antagonised social groups are presented.Yayın Al-Qaida, 'war on terror' and Turkey(Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2007) Aras, Bülent; Toktaş, ŞuleThe new wave of international terrorism gained strength in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, threatening not only the USA and its allies but also, as seen in the latest incidents, a significant part of the world. Continuing al-Qaida attacks signify the vulnerability and weakness of defence, security and intelligence systems in the face of the new international terror. The terror network has created an image of a postmodern virtual state. We argue that it has been shaped by a common ideology rather than in physical terms. Thus it is necessary to develop novel approaches. In this article we discuss Turkey's struggle against the new terror, underlining the fact that it is a Muslim majority state and has lively and dynamic Islamic traditions and different shades of Islamic belief. This situation makes the discussion more interesting, focusing on the position, perception, difficulties and struggle of a Muslim state with a democratic and secular mode of government vis-a-vis an allegedly Islam-inspired international terror network. There is an urgent need to develop an international terror strategy to counter terror attacks against Turkey, Britain, Egypt and others. We underscore the vital requirement of reconciling the macro-schemes and priorities of the global 'war on terror' with the national conditions and needs of the other countries involved in the struggle against the terror network.Yayın Modernization and gender: a history of girls' technical education in Turkey since 1927(Routledge, 2006-10) Toktaş, Şule; Cindoğlu, DilekThis article is a historical analysis of Girls' Institutes in Turkey. These schools were established in the early Republican era in order to educate girl students to gender roles compatible with modernization and with the westernization project of the Turkish state. The analysis is based upon qualitative data (including interviews and focus groups). The findings point to four trends in the history of Girls' Institutes and in the characteristics and life chances of graduates in the period 1927-70. These were (a) the shift from 'good housewife and mother' training schools to vocational schools; (b) the downgrading of the employment of graduates; (c) a shift from singleness to marriage; and (d) the redefinition of gender roles by women themselves.Yayın Religious solidarity, historical mission and moral superiority: construction of external and internal "others' in AKP's discourses on Syrian refugees in Turkey(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018-10-20) Karakaya Polat, RabiaTurkey hosts the world's largest community of displaced Syrians. According to UNHCR, there are more than 3 million registered Syrians in Turkey as of 2018. Since the beginning of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has followed an open-door policy, which was accompanied by a discourse emphasizing religious solidarity and humanitarian values. However, the arrival of Syrian refugees has become entangled with the existing identity debates and conflicts in Turkish politics. The AKP's discourse on Syrian refugees has become intertwined with its positive self-representation as the defender of all oppressed people (mazlum) and its attempts to reconstruct the Turkish nation along more Islamic lines. The article analyses parliamentary debates and presidential speeches in order to unravel AKP discourses on Syrian refugees. Drawing upon the Discourse Historical Approach in Critical Discourse Analysis, the article puts forward two arguments. First, the refugee issue has become a constitutive component of AKP identity and a discursive tool to reconstruct the nation along more Islamic lines. Second, Turkey's refugee policy has become a source of pride and enabled the AKP to claim moral superiority both vis-a-vis the West and its political opponents at home.Yayın Can money make us friends?: Islamist entrepreneurs and chances for democratization in the muslim world(2010-04-16) Demiralp, SedaIslamist movements have grown persistently in the last few decades and became major actors in the politics of various Muslim nations, receiving attention in numerous popular studies. Many of those studies, however, focus their attention solely on the religious agenda of these actors, despite the fact that economic interests are highly influential in shaping the agendas of them. In contrast to popular studies that focus on the “ideologues” in Islamist parties, this article emphasizes the role of “pragmatists,” especially Islamist businessmen in Islamist politics. By comparing and contrasting the transformation of Islamist parties and institutions in Turkey, Indonesia, and Sudan, this article suggests that contemporary Islamist movements in these countries are not solely concerned with “Islamizing the society” but often seek an economic mobilization against established economic elites and to transfer wealth to their constituencies. It then explores whether Islamist businessmen can serve as a moderating influence in Islamist politics and, if so, under what circumstances.Yayın Turkey and the Middle East: frontiers of the new geographic imagination(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis LTD, 2007-12) Aras, Bülent; Karakaya Polat, Rabia[No abstract available]Yayın Toplumsal inşacı uluslararasi ilişkiler yaklaşımına göre 1998- 2011 arası ve 2011 sonrasi Türkiye-Suriye ilişkileri(Aydin Adnan Menderes University, 2017-10-11) Çağlar, Mehmet TuranTürk Dış Politikası açısından Suriye devleti, gerek tarihsel gerek güncel boyutlarıyla önemli bir yere sahiptir. Tarih boyunca iki devlet arasındaki ilişkiler, inişli çıkışlı bir seyir izlemiş ve dönemsel dalgalanmalar, ikili ilişkileri derinden etkilemiştir. 1998’deki “Ekim Krizi” sonrası ikili ilişkiler yumuşama eğilimi göstermiş ve bu tarihten sonra taraflar arasında çok sayıda ekonomik, askeri, toplumsal ve hatta stratejik işbirliği alanları doğmuştur. 2000’lerin ilk on senesinde ortaya çıkan işbirliği sonucunda taraflar; ikili ilişkileri stratejik işbirliği, ortak kader ve “iki devlet, tek hükümet” gibi Türkiye-Suriye tarihinde daha önce hiç kullanılmamış kavramlarla tanımlamaya başlamış ve taraflar için “öteki” birer “dosta” dönüşmüştür. Taraflar arasında artan güven ve işbirliği ise 2011’de Ortadoğu’da meydana gelen Arap Baharı ile birlikte kesintiye uğramıştır. Arap Baharı çerçevesinde bugün gelinen noktada taraflar, 2000’lerin ilk on yılındaki gelişen işbirliğinin tüm kazanımlarını kaybetmiştir. 2011 sonrası taraflar arasında önemli askeri krizler meydana gelmiş, karşılıklı ekonomik yaptırımlar, ikili ekonomik ilişkileri durma noktasına getirmiş ve hatta Suriyeli mülteciler konusu gibi tarafları doğrudan ilgilendiren insani krizler meydana gelmiştir. Bütün bu süreç sonundaysa 2011 öncesi birbirlerini “dost” olarak tanımlama eğilimi gösteren iki devlet, 2011 sonrasında tıpkı 1998 “Ekim Krizi’nde” olduğu gibi “ötekini” yeniden “düşman” olarak tanımlamaya başlamıştır. İkili ilişkilerde ortaya çıkan bu dalgalanmalar sonrasında Türkiye’nin Suriye’ye karşı dış politikasını ve Türkiye-Suriye ilişkilerini bir Uluslararası İlişkiler yaklaşımı olan “toplumsal inşacılık” yaklaşımı ve toplumsal inşacılığın temel incelemeli noktaları olan fikir ve kimliklerin rolleri, yapı-fail ve ben ile öteki ilişkileri üzerinden incelemek ilgi çekici hale gelmiştir.Yayın Political perceptions of party voters and members in Turkey(Routledge, 2018) Ecevit, Yüksel Alper; Celep, ÖdülIntroduction The purpose of this chapter is to examine the relationship between the political perceptions of party voters and party members in a highly polarised political context like Turkey’s. This analysis will help us to understand the micro-foundations of polarisation at different layers of political parties. We argue that polarisation is not a monolithic concept that applies equally to all individuals affiliated with one political party. Rather, because it operates differently for members and voters, it is crucial to compare them to determine the ideological differences between parties. © 2018 selection and editorial matter, Sabri Sayari, Pelin Ayan Musil and Özhan Demirkol; individual chapters, the contributors.Yayın The family in Turkey: The battleground of the modern and the traditional(Routledge, 2011) Cindoğlu, Dilek; Çemrek, Murat; Toktaş, Şule; Zencirci, Gizem[No abstract available]
