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Yayın Religious solidarity, historical mission and moral superiority: construction of external and internal "others' in AKP's discourses on Syrian refugees in Turkey(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018-10-20) Karakaya Polat, RabiaTurkey hosts the world's largest community of displaced Syrians. According to UNHCR, there are more than 3 million registered Syrians in Turkey as of 2018. Since the beginning of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has followed an open-door policy, which was accompanied by a discourse emphasizing religious solidarity and humanitarian values. However, the arrival of Syrian refugees has become entangled with the existing identity debates and conflicts in Turkish politics. The AKP's discourse on Syrian refugees has become intertwined with its positive self-representation as the defender of all oppressed people (mazlum) and its attempts to reconstruct the Turkish nation along more Islamic lines. The article analyses parliamentary debates and presidential speeches in order to unravel AKP discourses on Syrian refugees. Drawing upon the Discourse Historical Approach in Critical Discourse Analysis, the article puts forward two arguments. First, the refugee issue has become a constitutive component of AKP identity and a discursive tool to reconstruct the nation along more Islamic lines. Second, Turkey's refugee policy has become a source of pride and enabled the AKP to claim moral superiority both vis-a-vis the West and its political opponents at home.Yayın Local elections and the Turkish voter: Looking for the determinants of party choice(Routledge Journals, 2014-10-02) Kalaycıoğlu, Mahmut ErsinOn 30 March 2014 Turkish voters elected their local (city) councillors. Their party preferences seem to indicate considerable correspondence with the national vote choices. So, do voters' choices in local elections differ from voters' party preferences at the national legislative elections? Based on previous research findings on Turkish voting behaviour, a list of hypotheses was compiled and tested, using binary logistic regression analyses and survey data collected immediately prior to the 2009 and 2014 local elections. The main findings are that the party lists are supported at the ballot boxes on the basis of the voters' party identification, ideological positions, and economic (dis)satisfaction, whether in national or local elections.Yayın Debating voter defection in Turkey(Routledge, 2023-10-20) Balta, Evren; Demiralp, Seda; Demiralp, SelvaThis study examines patterns of voter defection from Turkey’s incumbent AKP amid major economic and democratic decline. As in other electoral autocracies, defectors constitute a small but politically significant group in Turkey, where the opposition’s ability to secure a transition from authoritarianism depends on reducing the incumbent’s vote share. Based on survey data gathered in November 2021 and February 2022, we find that while the high level of partizanship among AKP voters hinders defection, persistent economic and democratic decline still reduces incumbent support. We also found that defections are higher outside of the lowest income group. Our findings have important implications for opposition strategies in electoral autocracies. Directing public debate away from identity issues to economic and democratic problems increases the likelihood of defection. In addition, offering voters clear superior alternatives decreases the cost of uncertainty that comes with change and increases the likelihood of defection.Yayın Turkish popular presidential elections: Deepening legitimpacy issues and looming regime change(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis, 2015-04-03) Kalaycıoğlu, Mahmut ErsinThis paper examines the politics of presidential elections in Turkey with particular reference to the 10 August 2014 presidential elections. It starts by scrutinising the change in the presidential election system from parliamentary to direct popular vote. It then probes the implementation of the new election rules, candidate selection, and the conduct of the campaign, followed by analysis of the election results and their influence on the Turkish record of democratisation. The paper concludes that the move to a partisan president elected by popular vote entails democratic dangers if the new incumbent does not abide by his or her constitutional role and attempts to intervene in government policy.Yayın The strongman vs. the sage? Populist performances and political masculinities in the 2023 Turkish elections(Routledge, 2026-02) Sayan Cengiz, Feyda; Demiralp, SedaAuthoritarian populist performances are deeply intertwined with particular ways of ‘doing masculinity’. Previous studies have shown that combative, aggressive, ‘rule-breaking’ performances of masculinity enabled populist opposition leaders to enact and perform anti-elite populist discourses, facilitating the mobilisation of discontent. The case of Turkey, a resilient case of authoritarian populism, demonstrates that performances of masculinity also serve incumbent populists to cast themselves as protectors of society, reinvigorate their paternalist claims to legitimacy and amplify the affective dimension of their messages. This dynamic becomes especially prominent during election campaigns, where performances of masculinity become a significant part of the contest between populist incumbents and their opponents. Focusing on Turkey’s 2023 presidential election and the campaigns of the two main contenders–incumbent President Erdoğan and opposition candidate Kılıçdaroğlu–the study argues that authoritarian populist leaders perform combative, aggressive masculinity to project competence even during economic downturns or institutional decay. In doing so, they further masculinise the political sphere, relegating rivals to subordinate positions within a symbolic hierarchy of masculinities and marginalising alternative models of leadership. The study contributes to understanding the gendered performative dimensions that play into the resilience of authoritarian populism.
