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Yayın Al-Qaida, 'war on terror' and Turkey(Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2007) Aras, Bülent; Toktaş, ŞuleThe new wave of international terrorism gained strength in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, threatening not only the USA and its allies but also, as seen in the latest incidents, a significant part of the world. Continuing al-Qaida attacks signify the vulnerability and weakness of defence, security and intelligence systems in the face of the new international terror. The terror network has created an image of a postmodern virtual state. We argue that it has been shaped by a common ideology rather than in physical terms. Thus it is necessary to develop novel approaches. In this article we discuss Turkey's struggle against the new terror, underlining the fact that it is a Muslim majority state and has lively and dynamic Islamic traditions and different shades of Islamic belief. This situation makes the discussion more interesting, focusing on the position, perception, difficulties and struggle of a Muslim state with a democratic and secular mode of government vis-a-vis an allegedly Islam-inspired international terror network. There is an urgent need to develop an international terror strategy to counter terror attacks against Turkey, Britain, Egypt and others. We underscore the vital requirement of reconciling the macro-schemes and priorities of the global 'war on terror' with the national conditions and needs of the other countries involved in the struggle against the terror network.Yayın Turkey and the Middle East: frontiers of the new geographic imagination(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis LTD, 2007-12) Aras, Bülent; Karakaya Polat, Rabia[No abstract available]Yayın Afghanistan's security: Political process, state-building and narcotics(Wiley-Blackwell, 2008-06) Aras, Bülent; Toktaş, ŞuleEstablishing political authority and constructing a state instrument would increase trust, which would contribute to stability.1 The lack of political institutions necessary for stability encourages the interference of individuals and groups with "special" interests, at both the state and societal levels.2 Stability is not only a prerequisite for the development of the political process and security within the country; it is also a risk to security, as it would require the involvement of groups and factors in the political process that might hinder security itself. [...] in a setting where fierce security measures are needed, running security operations without supplying adequate security personnel and munitions is an absolute risk.48 CONCLUSION The long-term objective for Afghanistan is to strengthen the state structurally and to set mechanisms in place that would prevent it from working only for narrow or factional interests.Yayın Staying the course: Permanent bases in Iraq? (vol 13, pg 109, 2006)(Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2006) Posch, Walter[No abstract available]Yayın Ontological insecurity, anxiety, and hubris: an affective account of Turkey-KRG relations(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2022-03-10) Kayhan Pusane, Özlem; Ilgıt, AslıGiven Iraqi Kurds’ special place in Turkey’s ‘biographical narrative’, Turkey-Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) relations are not simply strategic or economic but also highly affectively charged. These relations involve emotional encounters filled with anxiety, pride, anger, and disappointment that generate concerns for not only Turkey’s physical security but also its ontological security. This paper traces the emotional context of Turkey-KRG relationship. It suggests that a combination of Turkey’s deep-rooted ‘anxiety’ and ‘hubris’ toward the Iraqi Kurds prevented the emergence of a close partnership between these two actors and fostered merely a ‘fragile rapprochement’ since 2008.Yayın What would normalisation of economic relations between Mashrek countries, Turkey and Israel imply?(Blackwell, 2007-04) Tovias, Alfred; Kalaycıoğlu, Sema; Dafni, Inon; Ruben, Ester; Herman, LiorThis article examines the potential for economic cooperation among Mashrek countries, Turkey and Israel in the fields of trade in goods and services both separately and across-field. It first describes the macroeconomic features of the region and then estimates the overall potential for inter-industry trade in goods by estimating gravity equations for each country separately and the potential for intra-industry trade using Grubel-Lloyd indices. The article also examines the potential for trade in specific services, namely information and computer technology, transport, financial and health services.Yayın Azerbaijan's Far Eastern orientation and South Korea(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2009-09) Aras, Bülent; Yılmaz, RehaThis paper focuses on Azerbaijan's outreach toward East Asian countries and its relationship with South Korea. Despite their geographical distance from Azerbaijan, countries in the Far East, especially China, Japan, and South Korea, have demonstrated an interest in engagement and explored potential avenues of cooperation. Azerbaijan established support for its political priorities and for its stance on the Karabakh issue as prerequisites and confidence-building measures for potential investors. East Asian states easily fulfilled these two criteria, due to their geographical and ideological distance from the political dynamics of the Caucasus. South Korea showed a genuine concern for Azerbaijan's national interests and problems and played a key role in its economic development. While South Korea was a latecomer, mutual political trust and fruitful economic relations were quickly established. The Azeri administration has entrusted South Korean public and private investors with many significant current and future projects in the oil-and non-oil-related fields. This paper concludes that these projects are indicators of the central role that South Korea will play in Azerbaijan's future.Yayın Dances with wolves: Russia, Iran and the nuclear issue(Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2006-12) Aras, Bülent; Özbay, FatihThe Iran-Iraq War, combined with escalating tension with the United States, paved the way in Iranian security circles to new ideas on obtaining nuclear weapons to defend Iran in a hostile regional and international environment. Whether for peaceful nuclear purposes or for producing nuclear weapons, there was a desperate need for external support to pursue a nuclear program. Russian experts spent an initial three months at the site planning how to finish the nuclear plant and placing new reactors in it.3 Under this deal, Russia agreed to educate 20 to 30 Iranian experts in nuclear science at Russian institutes and promised to provide technological and scientific assistance and supply three light-water reactors (1000 MW each) to the nuclear plant.Yayın The limits of culture: Islam and foreign policy(Wiley-Blackwell, 2008-03) Bıçakcı, Ahmet Salih[No abstract available]Yayın International trade and strategic behaviour: a game theoretical analysis of the trade dispute between Turkey and Russia(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis, 2017) Taşbaşı, AslıStarting from the premise that strategic interactions between countries influence trade policy decisions, this paper is a first attempt at exploring the possible outcomes of a trade dispute between Turkey and Russia, assuming that Turkey can lodge a complaint about Russia's protectionist move to the WTO Dispute Settlement Body (DSB). Employing the course of events during the recent economic conflict between the two countries, the article models the stages of a trade game wherein players exhibit non-cooperative behaviour. It finds that Turkey reporting Russia to the DSB depends on the cost of the dispute, which represents both economic losses and losses that can be considered disadvantages in a broader sense. The results show that in trade relations where asymmetric interdependence is observed, if both parties mutually commit to an international organisation, binding regulations may provide strategy options that are otherwise infeasible for the disadvantaged player.
