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Yayın Atatürk’ün halkçılık ilkesi üzerine bir tartışma: halkçılık mı popülizm mi?(Yerel Yönetim Araştırma Yardım ve Eğitim Derneği (YAYED), 2022-06) Yılmaz, Onur AlpLiteratürde üzerinde uzlaşma sağlanamamış bir kavram olan popülizmin bu niteliği, halka çağrı yapan bütün siyasi düşüncelerin popülizm olarak çerçevelenmesi gibi bir sonuca yol açar. Bu da “halkın yegane temsilcisi” ve “halkın kendisi” olma iddiasıyla yola çıkarak, kapsayıcılığı kadar dışlayıcılığı da olan popülizmle, halk lehine bir dönüşüm arzulayan ve halkın çıkarlarını siyasetlerinin merkezine koyan halkçıların arasındaki farkları ortadan kaldırır. Bir de buna Türkçenin konforunda iki kelimenin ayrı ayrı isimlendirilebilmesine karşın, İngilizcede iki kelimenin de aynı şekilde isimlendirilmesinin yarattığı çeviri problemleri eklenince iki kavram arasındaki ayrım ortadan tamamen kalkar. Türkiye’de bu kargaşadan payını alanlar, II. Meşrutiyet’in ardından ortaya çıkan ve Cumhuriyet’le birlikte bu düşüncelerini taçlandıran halkçılar oldular. Popülistlerle aralarında kurumsal, kavramsal, araçsal ve amaca dönük olarak birçok fark bulunmasına rağmen Osmanlı-Türk halkçıları, bu ayrımlar gözden kaçırılarak popülist olarak isimlendirildi. Dolayısıyla bu çalışma, literatürdeki bu kargaşayı gözler önüne sererken, aynı zamanda popülizm ve halkçılık arasına Atatürk’ün düşünce dünyası ve halkçılık pratiklerini ortaya koyarak literatüre katkı sunmaya amaçlar.Yayın Paradox of optimism: opposition coordination against autocratic incumbents in Turkey’s 2019 and 2023 elections(Routledge, 2024) Balta, Evren; Demiralp, SedaIn the 2019 local and 2023 general elections, Turkey’s opposition parties joined forces in pursuit of a common objective: to oust autocratic incumbents and democratize the political system. While they achieved noteworthy successes in 2019, replicating these gains in the 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections proved elusive. This study reveals that coordinating opposition efforts becomes more challenging during general elections, particularly when a charismatic presidential candidate, capable of fostering synergy among opposition factions and voters, is absent. Additionally, when opposition parties span the ideological spec-trum, crafting a unified campaign around a shared manifesto becomes more intricate. The resulting atmosphere of uncertainty is exacerbated further in the absence of decisive leadership. Most importantly, the research highlights a paradox: as optimism for electoral victory grows, parties become more inclined to form alliances but less willing to nominate a strong leader, due to con-cerns about power-sharing overshadowing electoral success. This paradox diminishes the chances of opposition victory.Yayın Debating voter defection in Turkey(Routledge, 2023-10-20) Balta, Evren; Demiralp, Seda; Demiralp, SelvaThis study examines patterns of voter defection from Turkey’s incumbent AKP amid major economic and democratic decline. As in other electoral autocracies, defectors constitute a small but politically significant group in Turkey, where the opposition’s ability to secure a transition from authoritarianism depends on reducing the incumbent’s vote share. Based on survey data gathered in November 2021 and February 2022, we find that while the high level of partizanship among AKP voters hinders defection, persistent economic and democratic decline still reduces incumbent support. We also found that defections are higher outside of the lowest income group. Our findings have important implications for opposition strategies in electoral autocracies. Directing public debate away from identity issues to economic and democratic problems increases the likelihood of defection. In addition, offering voters clear superior alternatives decreases the cost of uncertainty that comes with change and increases the likelihood of defection.Yayın “Biraderler rejimi”nden “zorba biraderin rejimi”ne: otoriter sağ popülizm, liberal demokrasi ve toplumsal cinsiyet(Rasim Özgür DÖNMEZ, 2023-06-13) Demiralp, Seda; Sayan Cengiz, FeydaOtoriter sağ popülizmin yükselişinde, anti-feminist ve reaksiyoner söylem ve politikaların etkili olduğu, sağ popülist liderlerin siyasi iletişim ve üsluplarında da erkeklik vurgusunun yoğunluğu, popülizme toplumsal cinsiyet perspektifinden bakan araştırmacıların sıklıkla vurguladığı bir nokta olagelmiştir. Bu çalışma, otoriter sağ popülist liderlerin, liberal demokrasiye itiraz ederken, neden agresif bir maskülinist söylemi merkeze aldığı sorusuna yanıt aramaktadır. Otoriter sağ popülizm, liberal demokrasinin temsil ve çoğulculuk anlayışına karşı çıkarken nasıl bir toplumsal cinsiyet tahayyülüyle hareket etmektedir? Bu soruya yanıt ararken, feminist teorinin liberal demokrasi eleştirisinden ve analitik bir araç olarak aile metaforundan, özellikle de “kardeşler arası ilişkiler” metaforundan yararlanıyoruz. Çalışmada, otoriter sağ popülizmin, halkı homojen bir yapı olarak, lideri ise halk ile yekvücut olarak kurgulayışına odaklanıyor ve farklılıklara karşı takınılan agresif tavrın temelindeki toplumsal cinsiyet tahayyüllerinin analizini sunuyoruz.Yayın Disinformation, social media, and populism : emotional politics and polarization dynamics in Turkey’s 2023 presidential elections(Işık Üniversitesi, Lisansüstü Eğitim Enstitüsü, 2024-07-01) Avcı Çeken, İnci Secem; Kayhan Pusane, Özlem; Işık Üniversitesi, Lisansüstü Eğitim Enstitüsü, Uluslararası İlişkiler Yüksek Lisans Programı; Işık University, School of Graduate Studies, Master’s Program in International RelationsThis thesis explores the relationship between populist discourse and social media algorithms, examining their role in exacerbating political polarization. Its primary aim is to identify the correlation between the use of populist rhetoric and the algorithms driving social media engagement, highlighting how this relationship fosters societal divisions and benefits both platforms and political entities. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA), the thesis analyzes X (formerly Twitter) posts shared by 2023 Turkish presidential election candidates Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. In the first round of the campaign, shared posts were analyzed between 06.05.2024 and 14.05.2024. A total of 173 posts, 108 by Erdoğan and 65 by Kılıçdaroğlu, were analyzed. The full texts of these posts were obtained from X's official website. The findings reveal that posts featuring emotionally charged and popülist discourse have garnered higher views and engagement in the run-up to the 2023 presidential elections. This analysis will help to understand the political polarization in Turkey. Social media algorithms shape social interaction by strengthening populist discourses. This suggests that social media algorithms, prioritizing emotionally charged content, unintentionally promote populism. The study concludes that the design of social media platforms increases divisive content, leading to a rise in populist rhetoric among political candidates and voters.Yayın From the guest editors: “design, populism and politics”(Işık Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2024-07-09) Pasin, Burkay; Demirbaş, Özgen OsmanToday, ‘design’ has become a concept that is frequently used in every field, in an awkward and populist manner. Hair design, nail design, feng shui design, wellness design, and city design are some of these conceptions that reduce the value of design, manipulate its meaning, as well as empty its content. For professional designers and design scholars, this situation has become more critical, as they start losing their intellectual voice and professional legitimacy among all those who use and consume the concept of design, regardless of its context. On the other hand, when we consider it from a global perspective, we see that design is one of the most dominant concepts in the strategic planning and development policies of developed and/or developing countries. In a way, it has also become a powerful tool of politics, re-conceptualized in populist discourses and practices of authorities and decision-makers.Yayın The strongman vs. the sage? Populist performances and political masculinities in the 2023 Turkish elections(Routledge, 2026-02) Sayan Cengiz, Feyda; Demiralp, SedaAuthoritarian populist performances are deeply intertwined with particular ways of ‘doing masculinity’. Previous studies have shown that combative, aggressive, ‘rule-breaking’ performances of masculinity enabled populist opposition leaders to enact and perform anti-elite populist discourses, facilitating the mobilisation of discontent. The case of Turkey, a resilient case of authoritarian populism, demonstrates that performances of masculinity also serve incumbent populists to cast themselves as protectors of society, reinvigorate their paternalist claims to legitimacy and amplify the affective dimension of their messages. This dynamic becomes especially prominent during election campaigns, where performances of masculinity become a significant part of the contest between populist incumbents and their opponents. Focusing on Turkey’s 2023 presidential election and the campaigns of the two main contenders–incumbent President Erdoğan and opposition candidate Kılıçdaroğlu–the study argues that authoritarian populist leaders perform combative, aggressive masculinity to project competence even during economic downturns or institutional decay. In doing so, they further masculinise the political sphere, relegating rivals to subordinate positions within a symbolic hierarchy of masculinities and marginalising alternative models of leadership. The study contributes to understanding the gendered performative dimensions that play into the resilience of authoritarian populism.
