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Yayın Turkey's Kurdish opening: Long awaited achievements and failed expectations(Routledge Journals, 2014-01-02) Kayhan Pusane, ÖzlemTurkish state actors have used mainly military means to first suppress the Kurdish rebellions and then to end the PKK violence from 1984 onwards. However, after the AKP came to office in 2002, the government challenged the hardline state policy and initiated a Kurdish opening. This policy has the ultimate goal of disarming the PKK and resolving the Kurdish question. However, the Kurdish opening so far has failed to bring about the desired policy outcomes because the parties to the Kurdish question have been highly divided on the side of both the state and the Kurds in Turkey.Yayın Turkey’s military victory over the PKK and its failure to end the PKK insurgency(Routledge journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2015-09-03) Kayhan Pusane, ÖzlemThis article explores the major reasons why Turkey could not end the PKK insurgency despite its military defeat in the late 1990s. It argues that Turkish governments have failed to sufficiently address two key aspects of their low-intensity conflict with the PKK, namely the fact that the PKK is not just a group of armed militants, but rather a complex insurgent organization and that it appeals to a large number of Kurds. Turkey's inability to definitively quell the PKK insurgency raises significant questions regarding the justification and effectiveness of the use of military force in dealing with insurgencies.Yayın Türkiye’nin Kürt sorunu: Arap Baharı ile değişen yurtiçi ve bölgesel dinamikler(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2014-06) Kayhan Pusane, ÖzlemTürkiye’nin PKK ile mücadelesi ve daha genel olarak Kürt sorunu, 1980’lerden itibaren uluslararası gelişmelerden etkilenen konular olmuştur. 2010’da Tunus’ta başlayan ve kısa zamanda çeşitli Kuzey Afrika ve Orta Doğu ülkelerine yayılan Arap Baharı da son yıllarda Kürdistan İşçi Partisi’nin (PKK) aldığı çeşitli kararları ve örgütün davranışlarını önemli ölçüde şekillendirmiştir. Bu çalışma, Arap Baharının PKK ve Kürt sorunu ile ilgili bölgesel ve Türkiye içi dinamikleri nasıl etkilediğini, PKK’nın karar alma süreçleri çerçevesinde incelemektedir. Makalede öncelikle Arap Baharı’nın Kürt sorununu kavramsal olarak nasıl etkilediği üzerinde durulmakta, daha sonra Suriye’de yaşanan iç çatışmaların, PKK’da ve daha genel olarak Kürt sorunu üzerinde neden olduğu değişiklikler tartışılmaktadır. Son olarak, Türkiye’de Kürt sorununun çözüm süreci ile ilgili hız kazanan gelişmeler, Arap Baharı çerçevesinde değerlendirilmektedir.Yayın Ontological insecurity, anxiety, and hubris: an affective account of Turkey-KRG relations(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2022-03-10) Kayhan Pusane, Özlem; Ilgıt, AslıGiven Iraqi Kurds’ special place in Turkey’s ‘biographical narrative’, Turkey-Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) relations are not simply strategic or economic but also highly affectively charged. These relations involve emotional encounters filled with anxiety, pride, anger, and disappointment that generate concerns for not only Turkey’s physical security but also its ontological security. This paper traces the emotional context of Turkey-KRG relationship. It suggests that a combination of Turkey’s deep-rooted ‘anxiety’ and ‘hubris’ toward the Iraqi Kurds prevented the emergence of a close partnership between these two actors and fostered merely a ‘fragile rapprochement’ since 2008.Yayın The role of context in desecuritization: Turkish foreign policy towards Northern Iraq (2008–2017)(Routledge, 2020-05-26) Kayhan Pusane, ÖzlemFor decades, Turkish policymakers have perceived the possible emergence of a Kurdish autonomous region or an independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq as an existential threat to Turkey. However, from 2008 onwards, under the Justice and Development Party government, Turkish foreign policy towards the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) was gradually desecuritized. In light of Turkey?s experience, this paper explores the role of context in desecuritizing foreign policy issues in general and Turkish foreign policy towards the KRG in particular. It argues that the changing civil?military relations in Turkey as well as the country?s broader political and economic conjuncture allowed for the desecuritization of Turkey-KRG relations from 2008 onwards. The context also determined what kind of a desecuritization Turkey experienced towards the KRG.Yayın Turkey’s struggle with the PKK and civilian control over the Turkish Armed Forces(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2016-05-03) Kayhan Pusane, ÖzlemAlthough most scholars of Turkey’s civil-military relations argue that the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) insurgency has led to a decrease in civilian control over the Turkish military from the 1980s onwards, this has not always been the case. This article argues that the presence or the degree of the PKK threat is not sufficient to explain the civil-military balance of power in Turkey throughout the 1980s and the 1990s. Instead, the article shows that in the face of the PKK threat, three major factors have influenced the behaviours of both civilian and military policy-makers in Turkey and shaped the level of civilian control. These factors are first, the Turkish political leaders’ control over their political parties and these parties’ control of a majority of seats in the parliament; second, how negatively or positively the military perceives the political leadership; and third, European Union pressures for democratisation.Yayın Technology and politics: have the ICTs turned into a domain for civil-military relations in Turkey?(Routledge Journals, 2016-07-02) Karakaya Polat, Rabia; Kayhan Pusane, ÖzlemThe implications of technology have been widely acknowledged in international relations. Studies ranging from the causes of war and military effectiveness to terrorism and nuclear proliferation have explored how technology shapes international politics. However, the implications of technology in domestic politics have not been scrutinised much. This paper helps fill this vacuum through an analysis of Turkey's civil-military relations. Although civilian control over the Turkish military has improved in the past decade, this process has not been smooth. With a focus on the recent court cases involving the military, the 2007 e-memorandum and the transfer of electronic military intelligence apparatus to the civilian authority, this paper demonstrates how technology has become an important domain for civil-military relations in Turkey.Yayın Türkiye’nin Kuzey Irak politikasında değişim: Turgut Özal ve Tayyip Erdoğan dönemleri karşılaştırmalı analizi(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2017) Kayhan Pusane, Özlem1960’lardan itibaren Türk politika yapıcıları Irak’taki Kürt hareketine karşı mesafeli bir tutum takınmış ve benzer olayların Türkiye’de de yaşanmasından kaygı duymuşlardır. Fakat, Türkiye, öncelikle 1990’ların başında, sonra da 2007/2008 yıllarından itibaren, Kuzey Irak’a karşı mesafeli tutumunu bir tarafa bırakarak, aktif ve Iraklı Kürtlerle yakın ilişkiler geliştirme odaklı politikalar izlemiştir. Bu çalışmada, söz konusu iki dönemde Türkiye’nin Kuzey Irak politikası değişikliklerinin ne kadar lider kaynaklı olduğu ve ne ölçüde yapısal/çevresel unsurların etkisiyle gerçekleştiği sorularına yanıt aranmaktadır.Yayın Countering insurgency: Turkey's policy toward the PKK's transnational dynamics in Europe(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018-01-02) Kayhan Pusane, Özlem; Ilgıt, AslıInsurgents often develop international connections and benefit from external assistance from a variety of sources. Support from diaspora communities has long been considered one of the critical external factors in the persistence of insurgent groups. Yet how the counterinsurgent state addresses external support from transnational ethnic communities and what factors influence the state's policies remain understudied. By focusing on the transnational political practices of the Kurdish community and the PKK in Western Europe, this paper examines how Turkey has addressed the diasporic support for the PKK since the 1980s. It shows that three major factors - the composition of foreign policy decision-makers, their ideological contestation over the Kurdish question, and the European political context - have affected Turkey's policy regarding the PKK's transnational dynamics in Europe.
