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Yayın New directions for women's political development in Turkey: Exploring the implications of the internet for Ka-der(IOS Press, 2014) Karakaya Polat, Rabia; Çağlı Kaynak, ElifUnderrepresentation of women in Turkish politics is well documented. This is evident in the numbers of women in key decision-making positions, including the Parliament. The role of women's NGOs is significant in educating, motivating and mobilizing women to participate in politics. These organizations increasingly use the Internet for mobilization, opinion formation, recruitment, networking, lobbying and fundraising. The paper explores the extent to which and the ways in which Ka-der as a WNGOs is affected by the Internet, both in terms of its structure and operation, including its relationships with members and adherents and in the way Ka-der communicates with external actors, such as similar organizations, potential members, politicians and the media. We argue that different functions of WNGOs are supported asymmetrically by the Internet. While the e-mail group is mostly used for internal purposes, the website and the use of social media serve to enhance links with the outside environment.Yayın Modernization and gender: a history of girls' technical education in Turkey since 1927(Routledge, 2006-10) Toktaş, Şule; Cindoğlu, DilekThis article is a historical analysis of Girls' Institutes in Turkey. These schools were established in the early Republican era in order to educate girl students to gender roles compatible with modernization and with the westernization project of the Turkish state. The analysis is based upon qualitative data (including interviews and focus groups). The findings point to four trends in the history of Girls' Institutes and in the characteristics and life chances of graduates in the period 1927-70. These were (a) the shift from 'good housewife and mother' training schools to vocational schools; (b) the downgrading of the employment of graduates; (c) a shift from singleness to marriage; and (d) the redefinition of gender roles by women themselves.Yayın Turkey’s military victory over the PKK and its failure to end the PKK insurgency(Routledge journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2015-09-03) Kayhan Pusane, ÖzlemThis article explores the major reasons why Turkey could not end the PKK insurgency despite its military defeat in the late 1990s. It argues that Turkish governments have failed to sufficiently address two key aspects of their low-intensity conflict with the PKK, namely the fact that the PKK is not just a group of armed militants, but rather a complex insurgent organization and that it appeals to a large number of Kurds. Turkey's inability to definitively quell the PKK insurgency raises significant questions regarding the justification and effectiveness of the use of military force in dealing with insurgencies.Yayın Türkiye’nin Kürt sorunu: Arap Baharı ile değişen yurtiçi ve bölgesel dinamikler(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2014-06) Kayhan Pusane, ÖzlemTürkiye’nin PKK ile mücadelesi ve daha genel olarak Kürt sorunu, 1980’lerden itibaren uluslararası gelişmelerden etkilenen konular olmuştur. 2010’da Tunus’ta başlayan ve kısa zamanda çeşitli Kuzey Afrika ve Orta Doğu ülkelerine yayılan Arap Baharı da son yıllarda Kürdistan İşçi Partisi’nin (PKK) aldığı çeşitli kararları ve örgütün davranışlarını önemli ölçüde şekillendirmiştir. Bu çalışma, Arap Baharının PKK ve Kürt sorunu ile ilgili bölgesel ve Türkiye içi dinamikleri nasıl etkilediğini, PKK’nın karar alma süreçleri çerçevesinde incelemektedir. Makalede öncelikle Arap Baharı’nın Kürt sorununu kavramsal olarak nasıl etkilediği üzerinde durulmakta, daha sonra Suriye’de yaşanan iç çatışmaların, PKK’da ve daha genel olarak Kürt sorunu üzerinde neden olduğu değişiklikler tartışılmaktadır. Son olarak, Türkiye’de Kürt sorununun çözüm süreci ile ilgili hız kazanan gelişmeler, Arap Baharı çerçevesinde değerlendirilmektedir.Yayın Ontological insecurity, anxiety, and hubris: an affective account of Turkey-KRG relations(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2022-03-10) Kayhan Pusane, Özlem; Ilgıt, AslıGiven Iraqi Kurds’ special place in Turkey’s ‘biographical narrative’, Turkey-Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) relations are not simply strategic or economic but also highly affectively charged. These relations involve emotional encounters filled with anxiety, pride, anger, and disappointment that generate concerns for not only Turkey’s physical security but also its ontological security. This paper traces the emotional context of Turkey-KRG relationship. It suggests that a combination of Turkey’s deep-rooted ‘anxiety’ and ‘hubris’ toward the Iraqi Kurds prevented the emergence of a close partnership between these two actors and fostered merely a ‘fragile rapprochement’ since 2008.Yayın When do workers support executive aggrandizement? Lessons from the recent Turkish experience(John Wiley and Sons Inc, 2022-03) Apaydın, Fulya; Öngel, Ferit Serkan; Schmid, Jonas W.; Ülker, ErolFollowing the 2017 constitutional referendum under the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (Justice and Development Party-AKP) rule in Turkey, the reforms granted judicial and legislative powers to the head of the executive under a presidential system. Initial observations reveal that some blue-collar workers who are members of a historically progressive union have also supported these reforms. This is surprising because the union leadership has publicly opposed these changes. What explains this discrepancy? Why did some of these workers support reforms in favour of a powerful executive? Based on a sample from a major metalworking union, this paper finds that partisan identity moderates support for AKP's push for challenging the separation of powers. Although we find that higher amount of debt may reduce worker support for stronger executive, this is conditional on the metal workers' pre-existing partisan commitments. Under these circumstances, highly indebted partisan workers do not diverge from the party line. These results also raise further questions for students of labour and regime change elsewhere in the developing world.Yayın The internet and democratic local governance: the context of Britain(Elsevier Science, 2005-06) Karakaya Polat, RabiaThis article seeks to explore the role of the Internet in enhancing democratic local governance. The article suggests that the unique role of elected local authorities is under threat both because of declining levels of citizen participation as well as the transformation of the structure of local government into a system of local governance. In this context, local government can use the Internet to enhance its relations with citizens and to protect its unique position in the broad governance structure. The Internet enables the local authorities to open new channels of participation and actively encourages citizens to use these channels to participate. However, the Internet is not being exploited to its full potential. Likewise, not all authorities are benefiting from the Internet to the same extent. The article suggests that there are variations between local authorities and attempts to explain this variation drawing on concepts from new institutional theory and empirical evidence collected at three local authorities in Britain.Yayın Yeni savaş ve siber güvenlik arasında NATO’nun yeniden doğuşu(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2012-06-01) Bıçakcı, Ahmet SalihSoğuk Savaşın bitişinden sonra uluslararası sistemin güvenlik dinamikleri değişti. Soğuk Savaş tehditlerinin ortadan kalkmasıyla birlikte Kuzey Atlantik Paktı Örgütü (NATO) yeni durumun gereklerine göre yeniden yapılanmak zorunda kaldı. Bu makale NATO’ya karşı siber tehditlerin ortaya çıkışını ve onun bu yeni güvenlik ortamına nasıl tepki vereceğini incelemektedir. Soğuk Savaş sonrasındaki dönemde, geleneksel savaş taktikleri savaş meydanının gereklerini yerine getirmekte yetersiz kalıyordu. Asimetrik savaş diğer yöntemlere göre daha öne çıktı. Kosova çatışması sırasında, NATO bombalamasına Sırp bilgisayar korsanları tarafından siber saldırılarla karşılık verilmiştir. Farklı durumlarda da benzer eğilimler görülmüştür. NATO yeni bir siber savunma stratejisi inşa etmeye ve uluslararası sistemdeki güncel tehditleri de kapsayacak bir strateji oluşturmaya başladı. Lizbon Zirvesinde siber savunma ve kritik bilgi altyapısının korunmasını da içeren yeni stratejinin hazırlanmasına onay verildi. NATO, siber savunmayı içeren hibrit savaş stratejisini başlattı ve bu yaklaşımı bütün üyelerinde uygulamaya başladı.Yayın The limits of the Russian-Iranian strategic alliance: its history and geopolitics, and the nuclear issue(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2008-03) Aras, Bülent; Özbay, FatihThe Russian and Iranian governments define their relations as "very close" and "strategic" in many areas. The frontiers of this cooperation, in geopolitical terms, include the south Caucasus, central Asia, Afghanistan, and the oil- and natural gas-rich Caspian basin, while, at the issue level, the cooperation includes the nuclear issue, disarmament, the struggle against terrorism, the Iraqi quagmire, the Palestinian problem, and the U.S. military expansion into Eurasia. The signs of cooperation in these areas are, among others, regular political dialogue and similar attitudes in refusing to include the Lebanese Hizballah oil terrorist lists, pursuing political relations with Hamas, maintaining a pro-Arab position on the Arab-Israeli question, objecting to foreign military engagement in Eurasia, and having a common voice during the Israeli-Lebanese conflict in 2006. However, we need to discover the nature of these relations in order to decide whether the close Russian-Iranian relations can be described as a strategic alliance. What is the strategic depth of Russian-Iranian relations? Do the relations consist merely of the conjectural necessities of the post-Cold War period? What are the "red lines" in RUssian-Iranian relations? This article analyzes the relations between these two Countries from a broader perspective, to examine the meaning of the relations in bilateral, regional and international contexts.Yayın Foreign direct investment in Turkey: Historical constraints and the AKP success story(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis LTD, 2008-01) Grigoriadis, Ioannis N.; Kamaras, AntonisEconomic development on an unambiguously national basis was one of the foundational principles of republican Turkey. Indeed, until very recently, foreign direct investment (FDI) was scant and had a marginal presence in the Turkish economy. Since Turkey's Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi-AKP) came into power in 2002, however, Turkey has generated more FDI than in the previous 20 years. Here, Grigoriadis and Kamaras examine closely this development.
